Tuesday, October 10, 2017
Mental Health Laws Used to Silence Critic
A law on the books in the Keystone State intended to apply to individuals with mental illness is now being used for a more sinister purpose: to involuntarily commit political opponents who pose a threat to the established power structure in the commonwealth’s capital. Andrew J. Ostrowski, a former Pennsylvania civil rights attorney, found himself in the sights of the powers-that-be in Harrisburg, and learned the hard way how the 1976 Mental Health Procedures Act (MHPA) is being used to chill criticism of the power prism.
The MHPA “establishes procedures for the treatment of mentally ill persons” and “set[s] forth the Commonwealth’s policy and procedures regarding the provision of mental health services.” Article III of the act defines the requirements and limitations on involuntary emergency examination, treatment, and hospitalization of individuals who present a “clear and present danger to others.”
That key phrase is defined as meaning “within the past 30 days the person has inflicted or attempted to inflict serious bodily harm on another and that there is a reasonable probability that such conduct will be repeated.” Longtime AMERICAN FREE PRESS subscriber and supporter Dorene Shutz tipped off this reporter to Ostrowski’s recent kidnapping.
“He is awake to the corrupt courts,” she explained. On Aug. 26, this reporter spent most of the day with Ostrowski, Ms. Shutz, and other mild-mannered patriots at The Nationalist Times conference, and found all the participants to be scholarly truth-seekers. None who were present that day could ever be considered severely mentally ill and in need of involuntary treatment by even the most incompetent authority, but that says nothing of corrupt authority.
Ostrowski was born and raised in Lancaster, Pa., attended Millersville University, and “was in the first graduating class at Widener University” in Harrisburg. “I trained for several years in the formal legal law firm environment,” he told AFP.
He soon discovered, however, that his chosen profession as an “officer of the court” wasn’t what he thought it might be. “I had been a practicing lawyer until 2010 when I ran into disciplinary issues,” he said, “and, as I distanced myself from the formal practice and started to look at these things, I started to see that there really was no basis for the licensing of the practice of law. The licensing of the practice of law really is an impediment to everybody’s access to justice, because your attorney is not free to advocate without risking his or her own property.”
On Aug. 23, Ostrowski filed a motion, attacking what he saw as a corrupt system. “I filed what is called a motion for declaratory relief,” he explained, “which is a vehicle that gives you access to have declarations made that certain things are constitutional, not constitutional, lawful, and unlawful. And I did it to challenge the basis of the attorney law license. This . . . is a very significant motion that really would upset the entire judicial structure in this country.”
Sitting at his desk on Sept. 19, Ostrowski found out how significant it really was. “I posted a notice on Facebook and sent out emails notifying people I was going on Facebook Live and, within 15 minutes of that, the police were at my door.”
Facebook Live allows a user to broadcast live video streams, requiring nothing more than a computer with a video camera and a Facebook account.
“I looked out the front window,” he said, “and there was a cop climbing over my railing to come around back, so I went around to the back door and locked it, and I went on Facebook Live. And then somehow, they got a key and they came in with gloves on and with their tasers pulled, three of them, a female and two males.”
The webcam captured the interaction between Ostrowski and the police, who entered his home without his permission. In the video, Ostrowski can be seen asking the officers to show him their warrant. Viewers see an officer telling him they have one but then forcingOstrowski from his desk before the video ends.
“They did not have a proper warrant; they didn’t have any paperwork,” Ostrowski said. “I had to kind of—as passively as I could—resist them dragging me into an ambulance and throwing me in without seeing some paperwork.” The short trip from his house to the ambulance was not without injury.
“I had bruises and a cut on my wrist from the handcuffs,” he said. AFP asked what happened next. “I was taken in to the local emergency room where they process you,” he explained, “and then they sent me to [Brooke Glen Behavioral Hospital] down in the Philadelphia suburbs. That was a horrific experience. It was clear that the agenda was, as expressed to me by the doctor, to get me on some kind of pharmaceuticals, and/or, if I refused or resisted, to have me placed long-term, and do it involuntarily. He specifically advocated for that in the hearing on Sept. 22.”
They held him there for seven days, two days longer than Section 302 of the MHPA ostensibly allows. Eventually a judge signed an order denying any commitment petition.
“They basically said I shouldn’t have been there,” explained Ostrowski. AFP asked if he had any recourse, as the judge’s ruling can’t erase the fact that he had been kept there against his will for all that time. “Of course, yes,” Ostrowski said. “This is a gross violation of all my fundamental civil rights. There’s not one that you can discount from it, [except] maybe cruel and unusual punishment.” Alarmingly, this wasn’t the first time they came for Ostrowski, “all directly related,” he believes, “to my advocacy efforts.”
“This is the third time this year,” he explained. Ostrowski contends that the abuse of this mental health law to truncate people’s due process rights is a clear problem.
“This is why AMERICAN FREE PRESS exists,” he said. “This is why exists. This is why you guys do what you do, because this stuff happens to real folks.”
Want to fight back? Contact the Foundation for Child Victims of the Family Court Here
Original Article Link http://americanfreepress.net/mental-health-laws-used-to-silence-critic/
Labels: American Free Press, Mental Health, The Foundation for the Child Victims of the Family Court
Link to original article
Man Arrested For Allegedly 'Marrying' Stepdaughter at Age 12, Holding Her Captive For 19 Years At
Inside Edition October 9, 2017
An arrest has been made in the strange saga of a woman who told FBI agents her stepdad had kidnapped her at age 12 and held her captive for 19 years.
Henri Michele Piette, 62, was arrested last week in Mexico and extradited to Oklahoma, where he was charged with rape, child abuse and other offenses, The Oklahoman reported.
Rosalynn Michelle McGinnis, now 33, said she was able to escape last year from a filthy tent with eight of her nine children. She made her way to a U.S. Embassy, investigators said in court documents, the paper reported.
Her eldest child is grown and escaped before her, she said. They have since been reunited, she said.
In an interview with People magazine, McGinnis said she was speaking publicly because “I want the world to know. I want him to be stopped and I want justice to be served.”
She was beaten with a baseball bat, raped, stabbed, shot and choked unconscious during nearly two decades with Piette, she said.
He has been charged in Wagoner County. He “married” her in a van after kidnapping her from school, she told investigators. Her mother had left Piette because he beat her and the mom and daughter were living in a women’s shelter, McGinnis said.
McGinnis and Piette’s children were dragged across states including Texas, Montana and Arizona, according to FBI agents.
Ultimately, they landed in Mexico, where they lived in a tent in a remote village.
Read: Woman Held Immigrant Captive for Over 2 Years, Tried to Impregnate Her With Boyfriend's Sperm: Cops
After 19 years of abuse, and recovering from a crude surgery to remove her gallbladder, McGinnis decided it was now or never.
“I knew that if I didn’t get out of there,” she told the magazine. “I’d either go insane or I would end up dying and leaving my kids with that man.”
Back in the U.S., McGinnis has been working the JAYC Foundation, Inc., a nonprofit began by Jaycee Dugard, who was abducted at age 11 in South Lake Tahoe, Calif., before she was rescued after 18 years.
She also has been helped by the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children.
“It took a lot of courage. It took a lot of bravery,” Robert Lowery, vice president of missing children for the organization, told the publication.
“She wasn’t only concerned for herself,” he said, “but for her children.”
Want to fight back? Contact the Foundation for Child Victims of the Family Court Here
Man accused of raping 12-year-old girl given joint custody of her child
POSTED 6:42 AM, OCTOBER 9, 2017, BY WEB STAFF
SANILAC COUNTY, Mich. — A Michigan man who allegedly raped a girl when she was 12 years old and got her pregnant has been given joint custody of her child.
Christopher Mirasolo, 27, is accused of raping the victim and getting her pregnant in September 2008, according to The Detroit News. He was 18 and she was 12.
The victim’s attorney, Rebecca Kiessling, says Mirasalo lured the victim, her 13-year-old sister and a friend into his car and took them to a vacant home in Michigan and held them captive for two days before releasing them.
Inside the home, Mirasolo forcibly raped and threatened to kill the victim, Kiessling says.
Mirasolo was arrested a month later and sentenced to one year in jail for attempted third-degree criminal sexual conduct. He served roughly half the time before he was released to care for his sick mother.
In 2010, Mirasolo was convicted of the assault of another child and given four years in jail.
According to The Detroit News, after a paternity test showed Mirasolo was the father, he was given parenting time and joint custody of the child.
Now, the victim is seeking protection under the federal Rape Survivor Child Custody Act.
Original Article Link:
We must learn to examine everything that we have been taught. Some of it is brain washing.
This is why I will never stand for the national anthem.
Monday, October 9, 2017
Friday Oct 06, 2017 · 8:03 PM PDT
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|U.S. Calvary stand at the edge of a mass grave where hundreds of Lakota men, women and children were buried after the Wounded Knee Massacre on 29 December 1890. The Lakota pipe line has now cut through their sacred burial ground.|
American cavalry troops pose at the edge of a mass grave for some of the victims of the Wounded Knee Massacre.
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It has been said that Sunday’s mass shooting in Las Vegas in which Stephen Paddock open fire with assault weapons modified to fire automatically on a large crowd of concertgoers is the worst in American history. That’s not even close to being accurate.
Others more correctly say that Las Vegas was the worst mass killing in modernAmerican history. Depending on how you define “modern,” that is closer to accurate.
Paddock's body count of 58 dead victims surpassed the 49 murdered by Omar Mateen when he opened fire inside the Pulse nightclub in Orlando in June 2016. That led some to proclaim this killing spree to be the worst.
But the history of mass shootings didn’t begin 20 or 30 years ago — or even when Charles Whitman opened fire from the clock tower at the University of Texas in 1966.
You don’t have to go back much further in American history to find slaughters even bigger than Vegas. You can start with Wounded Knee on what is now the Pine Ridge Reservation in southwestern South Dakota.
On the morning of December 29, 1890, Chief Spotted Elk (Big Foot), leader of a band of some 350 Minneconjou Sioux, sat in a makeshift camp along the banks of Wounded Knee Creek. The band was surrounded by U.S. troops sent to arrest him and disarm his followers. The atmosphere was tense, since an order to arrest Chief Sitting Bull at the Standing Rock Reservation just 14 days earlier had resulted in his murder, prompting Big Foot to lead his people to the Pine Ridge Agency for safe haven. Alerted to the band’s Ghost Dance activities, General Nelson Miles commanded Major Samuel Whiteside and the Seventh Cavalry to apprehend Big Foot and his followers, and the regiment intercepted them on December 28, leading them to the edge of the creek. While confiscating their weapons, a shot pierced the brisk morning air. Within seconds the charged atmosphere erupted as the Indian men rushed to retrieve their confiscated rifles and troopers began to fire volley after volley into the Sioux camp. From a hill above, a Hotchkiss machine gun raked the tipis, gun smoke filled the air, and men, women, and children ran for a ravine near the camp, only to be cut down in crossfire. More than 200 Lakota lay dead or dying in the aftermath as well as at least 20 soldiers.
The number of victims at Wounded Knee varies widely, depending on which account you read, from 150 up to 300. But whatever the number, it apparently doesn’t count as “modern.”
And then there is the Sand Creek Massacre of November 29, 1864, in which Colorado volunteers under the command of Col. John Chivington slaughtered and mutilated anywhere from 70-163 Cheyenne and Arapaho, most of whom were women and children.
Here is an eyewitness account from the Wikipedia article on Sand Creek that describes just how brutal and sadistic it was:
There was one little child, probably three years old, just big enough to walk through the sand. The Indians had gone ahead, and this little child was behind, following after them. The little fellow was perfectly naked, travelling in the sand. I saw one man get off his horse at a distance of about seventy-five yards and draw up his rifle and fire. He missed the child. Another man came up and said, 'let me try the son of a b-. I can hit him.' He got down off his horse, kneeled down, and fired at the little child, but he missed him. A third man came up, and made a similar remark, and fired, and the little fellow dropped.
— Major Anthony, New York Tribune, 1879
And then there was the white mob that attacked and burned the Greenwood community of African-Americans in Tulsa, Okla., on May 31-June 1, 1921, killing as many as 300.
As with some of the others, the Tulsa riot seemed to have started with the explosive accusation that a black man had sexually assaulted a white woman. (The charges were dropped after the riot.)
On May 31, 1921, hundreds of armed white men gathered outside the courthouse where the man was being held, and a group of armed black men arrived to prevent a lynching. A shot was fired. The black men fled to Greenwood, and the white men gave chase.
The battle that ensued, enabled by the Tulsa police chief, who deputized hundreds of white men and commandeered gun shops to arm them, lasted through the night and well into the next day.
When the New York Times wrote that story in 2011 on the Greenwood killings many survivors were still alive. But it apparently doesn’t qualify as “modern.”
There were other mass killings. The Colfax Massacre of 1873 in Louisiana resulted in 150 deaths of African-Americans. The list goes on and on.
Many of those massacres have been largely forgotten by a nation that often wants to erase its bloody history.
Thus the necessity, perhaps, to make a distinction between modern history and all of history.
In practical terms, one reason is that it's difficult to determine the exact number of victims murdered in the 19th century — a problem that persists today, too. There's also a vocabulary issue, as different words used to describe similar events can affect perceptions of their significance. "The mid-2000s is around the time that the phrase 'mass shootings' started being used more and more," Duwe says, "whereas during the 1980s and the 1990s, the phrase 'mass murder' is used." (His research uses the term mass public shooting to describe incidents in which four or more victims are killed with a gun in a public location.)
There’s that. But that’s not the real reason. Emphasis added.
Many have argued this week and in the past that events like the Colfax Massacre and Wounded Knee are seen as separate because, within American history, the deaths of Native Americans and African Americans have not been seen the same as the deaths of white people — and that failing to specify "modern" history while talking about events like Las Vegas only underscores that idea by implying that earlier shootings don't count.